Notes
1.
"Rex Angulsexna
and Norþhymbra imperator . paganorum gubernator . Brittanorumque
propugnator," Grant by King Athelstan
to Byrthelm (Birch 1887 doc. 746,
2:466-7, my translation). See also Sawyer
1978 no. 392, p.167.
2.
"Aethelred the Unready" is, unfortunately, one of the
better-known names from Anglo-Saxon, even medieval, history.
The modern form of the nickname stems from a corruption which
distorts the original meaning and irony of a pun that was, in
any case, first attested in the thirteenth century. The literal
Æðel-ræd is "noble council";
un-ræd can mean "no-council," "evil
council," and even (perhaps most significant with regard
to how Aethelred attained the throne, by the assassination of
his brother, Edward the Martyr) "a treacherous plot"
(Brooke 1961:58-59). On the other
hand, Aethelred seems not to have been ready, either.
3.
"On Engla
lande eac oft wæron cyningas sigefæste þurh
God, swa swa we secgan gehyrdon, swa swa wæs Ælfred
cining, þe oft gefeaht wið Denan, oþ þæt
he sige gewann & bewerode his leode; swa gelice Æðestan,
þe wið Anlaf gefeaht & his firde ofsloh & aflimde
hine sylfne, & he on sibbe wunuðe siþþan
mid his leode. Eadgar, se æðela & se anræda
cining, arærde Godes lof on his leode gehwær, ealra
cininga swiðost ofer Engla ðeode, & him God gewilde
his wiðerwinnan a, ciningas & eorlas, þæt
hi comon him to buton ælcum gefeohte friðes wilniende,
him underþeodde to þam þe he wolde, & he
wæs gewurðod wide geond land." Aelfric, Judges (Epilogue)
(ed. Crawford 1922:416-17, trans.
Whitelock 1955:854).
4.
See especially Asser's Life of King Alfred but also the
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
5.
See William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum Anglorum sec.
135 (ed. Stubbs 1887, 1:149-50, trans.
Whitelock 1955:281-2).
6.
The location of Brunanburh is uncertain. Speculation has ranged
from Scotland to southern England. Michael Wood (1980),
however, made a compelling case for placing the site in the region
of Brinsworth, about 40 miles south of York - on the frontier
between Northumbria and southern England. In his "excellent
television programme on King Æthelstan" part of the
series upon which is based his In Search of the Dark Ages
(1987), Wood reportedly surveyed
the field from helicopter (Keynes 1993:38
[G73]). The assessment of the quality of the television program
is Keynes'.
7.
"[S]ince no distinction of layout was observed between prose
and poetry in AS manuscripts it is hardly less arbitrary to print
the annal for 937 according to the typographical conventions
of poetry than it would be to print large tracts of Wulfstan
. . . in the same way" (Bradley
1982:515, introd. to The Battle of Brunanburh).
8.
"Her Æðelstan
cing and Eadmund his broðer lædde fyrde to Brunan byri
. . . and [Crist]e fultumegende sige hæfde," Anglo-Saxon Chronicle [hereafter
ASC] s.a. 937 ms. F (ed. Earle 1865:113,
trans. Garmonsway 1972:107). (N.B.:
Garmonsway translated according to the sense of the passage,
which has a dual subject, rather than adhering to the grammatically
incorrect singular verb hæfde.) Ms. F is a twelfth-century
bilingual (Old English and Latin) version of the ASC. The compiler,
who derived the Old English from ms. E, which has merely a single-line
prose notice that Athelstan led the fyrd to Brunanburh,
also worked from a Latin text closely related to a lost Winchester
chronicle, from which he translated the attribution of the victory
to Christ (Campbell 1938:149-50,
app. 4.A.2 "Notices of the Battle Not Derived from the Poem").
9.
Feld dunnade
secga swate, siðþan sunne up
on morgentid, mære tungol,
glad ofer grundas, Godes condel beorht,
eces Drihtnes, oð sio æþele gesceaft
sah to setle.
The Battle of Brunanburh
(= ASC s.a. 937) lines 12-17 (ed. Campbell
1938:93, trans. Bradley 1982:516).
10.
Recently discussed in some detail by Alois Wolf (1991),
particularly pp. 75-6 and 80-81.
11.
See translation in Bostock 1976:239-41.
12.
Dæne wæran
ær .
under Norðmannum . nyde gebegde .
on hæþenra . hæfte clommum .
lange þraga . oþ hie alysde eft .
for his weorþscipe . wiggendra hleo .
afera Eadweardes . Eadmund cyning .
ASC s.a. 942 (mss. ABCD) (ed. [ms. A]
Earle 1865:116, trans. Garmonsway
1972:110-11). See also Mawer (1923:551-7)
as well as Hill (2000:96,107-10).
13.
"omnes antecessores devotione mentis, omnes eorum adoreas
triumphorum suorum splendore obscuravit," William of
Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum sec. 131 (ed. Stubbs
1887, 1:142, trans. Whitelock 1955:277).
14.
Dumville 1992:142-3 n. 9, 168-9 n.
183; Wright 1939:74, 76, 144-5, and
esp. 146, 156; Wilson 1952:47-50.
15.
On which see Gransden 1974:167-8,
173, 175-8, 185, as well as Thomson 1987:11-38.
See also, with specific reference to the argument for the authenticity
of the "Athelstan Panegyric," Loomis (1950:201):
"In 1125, if any learned man in England was qualified to
recognize an ancient book when he saw it, that man was William
of Malmesbury."
16.
Stenton 1971:319 n. 1, 339 n. 2;
Campbell 1938:49 and n. 5; Whitelock
1955:277; Loomis 1950:201-205;
Gransden 1974:53-5
17.
"De hoc rege non invalida apud Anglos fama seritur, quod
nemo legalius vel litteratius rempublicam administraverit. Quanquam
litteras illum scisse, pauci admodum dies sunt quod didicerim
in quodam sane volumine vetusto, in quo scriptor cum difficultate
materiae luctabatur, judicium animi sui non valens pro voto proferre.
Cujus hic verba pro compendio subjicerem, nisi quia ultra opinionem
in laudibus principis vagatur, eo dicendi genere quod suffultum
rex facundiae Romanae Tullius in rhetoricis appellat. Eloquium
excusat consuetudo illius temporis, laudum nimietatem adornat
favor Ethelstani adhuc viventis. Pauca igitur familiari stylo
subnectam, quæ videantur aliquod conferre emolumentum ad
dignitatis ejus documentum." William of Malmesbury,
De Gestis Regum sec. 132 (ed. Stubbs
1887, 1:144, trans. Whitelock 1955:278-9).
18.
Lapidge 1981:62-71; see also Lapidge 1975:67-111
19.
e.g., Dumville 1992:142 at n. 9,
146, 168-9 at n. 183.
20.
Thomson (1999:116-18) has a recent
overview of the controversy
21.
Thomson (1999:117) agrees substantially
with Wood's arguments.
22.
The third poem (the first discussed by Lapidge
1981:72-83) is an eight-line acrostic Lapidge believes to
have been written, possibly by John the Old Saxon (part of the
Alfredian circle of scholars - see Asser, Life of King Alfred,
chaps. 78, 94) on the occasion of the ceremony involving young
Athelstan and his grandfather Alfred. (Note that Lapidge implicitly
accepted this story from William of Malmesbury's account, which
raises the question of whether subsequent scholars have perhaps
made more of Lapidge's own argument than he himself intended
[see Wood 1999:154; also Thomson
1999:117]. I intend to explore these issues further.)
23.
Quos iam regit cum
ista
perfecta Saxonia:
uiuit rex Æþelstanus
per facta gloriosus!
Carta Dirige Gressus
stanza 3 (ed. and trans. Lapidge 1981:98).
"Quos iam regit cum ista" apparently refers
back to stanza 2, which identifies those over whom Athelstan
rules - the queen, the prince, ealdormen and thanes.
24.
- Rex pius Æðelstan,
patulo famosus in orbo,
cuius ubique uiget gloria lausque manet,
quem Deus Angligenis solii fundamine nixum
constituit regem terrigenisque ducem,
scilicet ut ualeat reges rex ipse feroces
uincere bellipotens, colla superba terrens.
Rex Pius Æðelstan lines
1-6 (ed. and trans. Lapidge 1981:95-96).
25.
London British Library Cotton Nero A.ii: f. 10v-11v, Carta
Dirige Gressus; f. 11v-12v, prayer beginning "Domine
Deus omnipotens" (Lapidge 1981:84
n. 111, 85 n. 115). Lapidge proposed as place of origin St. German's
in Cornwall.
26.
London, British Library Cotton Galba A. xiv, f. 4v, from ca.
1000 or very early eleventh century - date per Ker (1957:198-9).
The Old English version appears immediately after another Latin
version of the same prayer (f. 3), which has two minor differences
from Cotton Nero A. ii., which are noted parenthetically in the
transcription below, following Birch (1887:332
nn. 2 and 3).
27.
"Domine Deus
omnipotens rex regum et dominus dominantium in cujus manu omnis
victoria consistit et omne bellum conteritur concede mihi ut
tua manus cor meum corroboret ut in virtute tua in manibus viribusque
meis bene pugnare viriliterque agere valeam ut inimici mei in
conspectu meo cadent et corruant sicut corruit Golias ante faciem
pueri tui David et sicut populus Pharaonis coram Moysi in mare
rubro. Et sicut Philistini coram populo Israhel ceciderunt. Et
Amalech coram Moysi et Chananei coram Jesu corruerunt sic cadant
inimici mei sub pedibus meis et per viam unam conveniant adversum
me et per septem fugiant a me et conteret Deus arma eorum et
confringet framea eorum et eliquisce [liquiscent] in conspectu
meo sicut cera a facie ignis ut sciant omnes populi terre quia
invocatum est nomen domini nostri Jhesu [add Christi] super me et magnificetur
nomen tuum domine in adversariis meis domine Deus Israhel."
"Æla
þu dryhten æla ðu ælmihtiga God . æla
cing ealra cyninga . & hlaford ealra waldendra . on þæs
mihta wunaþ ælc sige . & ælc gewin weorþ
to bryt . for gif me drihten þ[æt] þin seo
mihtigu hand mines unstrangan heortan gestrangie & þ[æt]
ic þurh þine þa miclan mihte mid handum minum
& mihte stranglice & werlice ongan mine fynd . winnan
mæge swa þ[æt] hy on minre gisihþe feallan
. & gereosan swa swa gereas Golias ætforan Dauides
ansyne . þines cnihtes . & swa swa gereas & wearþ
besenct Faraones folc on þære readan sæ . ætforan
Moyses ansene . & swa swa feollan Filistei . beforan Israela
folce . & swa swa gerias Amaleh . ætforan Moisen .
& Chananei ætforan Iesu Naue. Swa feallan & gereosan
mine find under minum fotum . & hi ealle samod þurh
ænne weg ongan me cumen . & þurh seofan wegas
hie fram me gewican; For bryt drihten heora wapna & heora
sweord to bret & do drihten þ[æt] hy for meltan
on minre gesihþe . swa swa weax mylt fram fyres ansyne
. þ[æt] eall eorþas folc wite & ongyte
þ[æt] ofer me is geciged noma ures drihtnes hælendes
Cristes . & þ[æt] þin noma drihten sy geweorþad
on minum wiþer winum . þu þe eart drihten Israela
God."
Ed. Birch (1885, 2:332-3, docs. 656
and 657). My translation is based upon the Latin. On the bracketed
annotations to the Latin, see note above.
28
Lapidge 1981:84 n. 111; see also
Robinson 1923:68; Campbell
1938:161
29.
The ms. is London, British Library Cotton Tiberius A.ii.
30.
The ms. is Durham, Cathedral Library, A. II. 17, pt. 1. The other
version appears in the aforementioned London, British Library
Cotton Nero A.ii, immediately before the so-called "Prayer
of Athelstan."
31.
For Athelstan and St. Cuthbert, see Robinson (1923:51-5).
In the chaotic conditions of late 9th-c. Viking-ravaged Northumbria,
the guardians of St. Cuthbert's relics had finally in 875 abandoned
the exposed Holy Isle of Lindisfarne (site of the first documented
Viking raid back in 793). Seven years' wandering brought them
to Chester-le-Street, where the congregation and relics found
refuge for over a century, until the move to Durham. See Historia
Regum s.a. 875, 883, 995; idem, Historia Dunelmensis Ecclesiae
2.6-13, 3.1; as well as the Historia de Sancto Cuthberto
sec. 20 (all three of the latter are ed. Arnold 1882-1885, vols.
2, 1, and 1 respectively).
32.
"for Æþelstan
cyning in on Scotland . . . and his micel oferhergade," ASC s.a. 933 ms. A,
recte 934 (ed. Earle 1865:110, trans.
Whitelock 1955:200).
33.
"ad sepulcrum Sancti Cuthberti venit, illius patrocinio
se suumque iter commendavit, multa ac diversa dona quæ
regem decerent ei obtulit . . . . Deinde hostes subegit, Scotiam
. . . vastavit," Historia Regum s.a. 934
(ed. Arnold 1885, 2:93, trans. Whitelock 1955:252). The Historia
Regum is a composite work attributed to Symeon of Durham
(d. ca. 1130) by a pair of rubrics beginning and ending the sole
surviving manuscript, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 139,
written ca. 1164 (Rollason 2000:xlviii;
his n. 149 quotes the incipit and explicit from Arnold
1885, 2:3 and 283). The authors of most of the sections of
the Historia Regum (or at least the compilers from whom Symeon
himself drew) have been identified. Most notably, the first sections
(ed. Arnold 1885, 2:3-91), comprising
various material and annals to 887, come from an earlier compilation
by Byrhtferth of Ramsey (Lapidge 1982), while later sections
(ed. Arnold 1885, 2:95-98 and 98-253,
respectively) are identifiably derived from such authors as William
of Malmesbury and John of Worcester (Rollason
2000:xlix). Authorship for the intervening section (ed. Arnold 1885, 2:91-5), wherein the present
annal appears, has to my knowledge not been identified. For a
possible source of the information for the events of 934, however,
see below.
34.
Historia de Sancto Cuthberto sec. 16 (ed. Arnold
1882, 1:205; trans. Rollason 1989:149).
The story is very similar to and probably derives from St. Columba's
appearance to King Oswald of Northumbria before the seventh-century
battle at Heavenfield by which Oswald won kingship in Northumbria
- see Adomnán, Life of Columba 1.1 (ed. and trans.
Anderson and Anderson 1991:14-15).
The account of St. Cuthbert and Alfred in the Historia de
Sancto Cuthberto probably inspired another account of such
militarily-oriented visions received by Alfred, with appropriate
substitution of St. Neot for St. Cuthbert, as recorded in the
Vita Prima Sancti Neoti et Translatio secs. 13, 16 (ed.
Lapidge in Dumville and Lapidge 1983:
126-8, 130-32).
35.
Historia de Sancto Cuthberto secs. 19, 25, 28 (ed. Arnold 1882, 1:207, 210-11, 212); Rollason
(1989:146).
36.
Cambridge, Corpus Christi College ms. 183. For the frontispiece,
see Plate 6 in Wormald et al. (1983)
to accompany Wood (1983), and also
Plate 9 in Lapidge and Gneuss (1985),
to accompany Keynes (1985). This
traditional interpretation is stated succinctly by Robinson (1923:53-4) and also Keynes (1985:180).
See, however, Rollason's alternative interpretation of the action
in the scene - that Athelstan is reading from the book as St.
Cuthbert appears to him in a vision, and that the ms. was in
fact Athelstan's own devotional book and only later made its
way to Durham (Rollason 1989:150
and fig. 6.3). Either way, the illustration associates Athelstan
with the northern saint in one of a set of portraits standing
in an iconographical tradition going back through ninth-century
Carolingian exemplars (another was in the now lost ms., British
Library Cotton Otho B.ix.).
37.
Abbo, Life of Edmund Preface (ed. Winterbottom
1972:67).
38.
Rollason (1989), chap. 6, "The
Cult of Saints and the Unification of England," esp. pp.
159 ff., "Kings and Relics."
39.
"coram sanctis multorum electorum Dei reliquiis, quae
semper eum ubique comitabantur," Asser, Life of Alfred,
chap. 104 (ed. Stevenson 1904:90,
trans. Keynes and Lapidge 1983:108);
Rollason (1989:159). See also Deanesly
(1961:337). On the specificity of
the term haligdom for "relic-collection," see
Rollason (1989:162-3).
40.
William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum sec. 135 (ed. Stubbs 1887, 1:151, trans. Whitelock
1955:282). Athelstan was also buried at Malmesbury.
41.
Rollason (1989:159) quotes the relic-list
prologue from M. Förster, ed., Zur Geschichte des Reliquienkultus
in Altengland (Munich, 1943), pp. 63-5. The Athelstan Donation
to Exeter is also translated by Swanton (1993:19-24);
for editions see Swanton's introduction (1993:19).
See also Robinson (1923:71-80, 159-90)
for a general discussion of Athelstan and his relics and donations.
42.
William of Malmesbury transcribed the letter in his De Gestis
Pontificum (ed. Hamilton 1870:399-400).
43.
"ensem Constantini magni, in quo litteris aureis nomen
antiqui possessoris legebatur; in capulo quoque super crassas
auri laminas clavum ferreum affixum cerneres, unum ex quatuor
quos Judaica factio Dominici corporis aptarat supplicio: lanceam
Caroli magni, quam imperator invictissimus, contra Saracenos
exercitum ducens, si quando in hostem vibrabat, nunquam nisi
victor abibat; ferebatur eadem esse quæ, Dominico lateri
centurionis manu impacta, pretiosi vulneris hiatu Paradisum miseris
mortalibus aperuit: vexillum Mauricii beatissimi martyris, et
Thebææ legionis principis, quo idem rex in bello
Hispano quamlibet infestos et confertos inimicorum cuneos dirumpere,
et in fugam solitus erat cogere" William of Malmesbury,
De Gestis Regum sec. 135 (ed. Stubbs
1887, 1:150, trans. Whitelock 1955:282).
See Loomis (1950:210 ff.).
44.
This idea finds support in increasingly exalted titles claimed
by the West Saxon kings during this period when they were claiming
lordship over England. The title quoted near the beginning of
this article is but one example from the reign of Athelstan;
several of the books surveyed by Keynes (1985)
sport similar royal titles in the dedications. The concept of
the West Saxon kings' new realm as an orbis Britanniae,
a world apart from the classical tripartite world of Europe,
Asia, and Africa, played a part in these aspirations as well
(John 1966; Wood
1999:151).
45.
Abingdon Sword-Hilt (Campbell 1982:156
fig. 144); see also Tyerman regarding its significance (1988:10).
46.
The latter emphasis would have been appropriate to William of
Malmesbury writing in the generation after the First Crusade.
47.
Prinz (1979:305) refers to canonical
permission granted as early as the eighth century to priests
to accompany the Carolingian army bearing "(victory bringing)
relics" [his parentheses]. At the Battle of the Lechfeld
in 955, Otto the Great bore another Holy Lance - Widukind of
Corvey, Res gestae Saxonicae 3.49 (excerpt re Lechfeld
trans. Pullan 1966:116-17). (See
Loomis [1950:209-20] for discussion
of this multiplicity of Lances.)
48.
"Sancta . . . crux quod circa collum suum in bellis gestabat
adhuc Malmesburiae inter sacras reliquias, ut decet, veneratur,"
Eulogium chap. 84 (ed. Haydon
1863, 3:10-11, my trans.)
49.
"particulam sanctae et adorandae crucis crystallo inclusam,
ubi soliditatem lapidis oculus penetrans potest discernere qualis
sit ligni color, et quae quantitas," William of Malmesbury,
De Gestis Regum sec. 135 (ed. Stubbs
1887:1:151, trans. Whitelock 1955:282).
The tradition that Malmesbury held this relic was reported by
William: "partem vero crucis et coronae Malmesbiriae
delegavit," ibid.
50.
William's source for the following passage is unclear, because
it precedes his description of the "very old book."
51.
"gladius ejus fortuitu vagina excidit. Quocirca, cum
omnia formidinis et caeci tumultus plena essent, inclamato Deo
et sancto Aldhelmo, reductaque ad vaginam manu, invenit ensem,
qui hodieque pro miraculo in thesauro regum servatur. Est sane,
ut aiunt, una parte sectilis, nec unquam auri aut argenti receptibilis.
Hoc Dei dono fretus, simulque quia jam illucescebat, Noricum
adorsus, tota die usque ad vesperum indefessus fugavit cum exercitu,"
William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum sec. 131 (ed. Stubbs 1887, 1:143-4, trans. Whitelock
1955:278).
52.
The characterization of Byrhtnoth, the hero of The Battle
of Maldon, is the subject of a long-standing debate, but
one contemporary view, promoted by the monks of Ely whom he had
long supported, was that he had sacrificed his life defending
a Christian society against pagan attack (Bradley
1982:518-19).
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